• Fighting between Russia and Ukraine in the Black Sea has picked up in recent months.
  • The fighting is taking a toll on Russia’s Black Sea Fleet, which Moscow can’t reinforce.
  • Turkey’s enforcement of the Montreux Convention limits what Russia and NATO can send into the sea.

While Ukrainian and Russian forces are locked in a grinding battle for territory in eastern and southern Ukraine, fighting in the Black Sea has picked up.

Ukraine has conducted several high-profile attacks against Russian targets in recent weeks, including missile strikes on occupied Crimea that hit Russia’s Black Sea Fleet headquarters and Russian navy dry docks. Its strike on the dry docks took out a landing ship and a Kilo-class submarine and will further hamstring Russian naval logistics.

Those attacks were not Kyiv’s first successes against Russia’s navy, but Ukraine lacks a fleet — it scuttled its flagship in March 2022 to prevent its capture by Russia — and has relied on asymmetrical warfare, including naval drones, to counter Russia in the Black Sea.

Russia’s Black Sea Fleet hasn’t been defeated, but its losses, including the sinking of its flagship, the Moskva, weigh more heavily on Russia’s war effort because of a deal signed nearly a century ago that is preventing Moscow from bringing more ships into the Black Sea.

Ships bottled up

Russia Navy Day Parade Warships

Russian warships at the Black Sea Fleet base in Sevastopol in July 2010.

AP Photo/Sergey Ponomarev



Signed in 1936, the Montreux Convention governs the transit of merchant vessels and warships through the Dardanelles and the Bosporus Strait and the presence of warships in the Black Sea.

The convention distinguishes between Black Sea powers — those with a Black Sea coastline — and non-Black Sea powers. In peacetime, warships belonging to non-Black Sea powers cannot stay in the sea for more than 21 days.

The convention also has limits for the combined tonnage of vessels from non-Black Sea powers that can be in the sea at one time, capping it at a maximum of 45,000 tons with no more than 30,000 tons of that belonging to one country. A US Navy Arleigh Burke-class destroyer, several of which have sailed into the sea in recent years, is about 9,000 tons.

While the convention doesn’t specifically rule out aircraft carriers, a 15,000-ton limit for vessels of non-Black Sea powers transiting the straits effectively prohibits them. Submarines from non-Black Sea powers are also not allowed.

Russian Navy's diesel-electric Kilo class submarine Rostov-on-Don sails with an naval ensign of the Russian Federation, also known in Russian as The Andreyevsky Flag on it through the Bosphorus Strait on the way to the Black Sea past the city Istanbul as Sultanahmet mosque (L) and Hagia Sophia mosque (R) are seen in the backround on February 13, 2022.

Russian Navy submarine Rostov-on-Don sails through the Bosphorus to the Black Sea on February 13, 2022.

OZAN KOSE/AFP via Getty Images



Turkey controls the straits connecting the sea to the Mediterranean, and all foreign warships have to notify Turkey prior to passage — 15 days ahead of time for non-Black Sea powers and eight days for Black Sea countries.

During war, the convention permits Turkey to limit the passage of warships to the Black Sea — even if Turkey is not at war — unless these ships are returning to their base. On February 28, 2022, four days after Russia attacked Ukraine, Turkey invoked that power.

“When Turkey is not a belligerent in the conflict, it has the authority to restrict the passage of the warring states’ warships across the straits. If the warship is returning to its base in the Black Sea, the passage is not closed,” Turkey’s foreign minister said at the time. “All governments, riparian and non-riparian, were warned not to send warships across the straits.”

Ankara’s invocation of the convention is seen as significant because it has prevented Russia from bolstering its Black Sea Fleet. If Turkey were to open the straits, “the first thing you would see is a significant naval reinforcement from other parts of the Russian fleet, and that isn’t in Ukraine’s interest or ours,” Ben Wallace, then Britain’s defense minister, said at the Shangri-La Dialogue in June.

Smoke fire oil fuel tank drone attack Sevastopol Crimea

Smoke rises from a fuel tank after an attack in Sevastopol in April.

REUTERS/Stringer



While Turkey’s move has limited Russian naval movements, experts differ on its overall impact on the war.

“Initially it was thought that it was a big deal that some of the Russian warships were prevented from entering the Black Sea. But Russia had a massive naval presence there anyway,” including six ships from its Baltic and Northern fleets that entered the sea before Turkey invoked the convention, Volodymyr Dubovyk, a professor at Odessa’s I. Mechnikov National University, told Insider.

Russia’s ships in the Black Sea don’t give it a “decisive edge over Ukraine,” and because of the effectiveness of Ukraine’s attacks, those ships have become “sitting ducks” that have “to hide away from the Ukrainian coast,” Dubovyk added.

Russian warships still appear to be stationed at Sevastopol, the main Russian naval base in Crimea, but Ukraine’s success in targeting that base and Russian forces nearby will likely have a lasting impact.

“I think that these developments are going to contribute to a change in thinking about the role of naval power,” Dubovyk told Insider.

Allied help

Turkey NATO Romania navy Black Sea

A Turkish navy frigate alongside a Romanian frigate in the Black Sea in February 2018.

NATO



The convention also allows Turkey to shape the international response to the war, according to Iulia-Sabina Joja, the director of the Black Sea program at the Middle East Institute, a think tank in Washington DC.

“The Montreux Convention is confusing,” Joja told Insider. “It actually states that when Turkey is not a belligerent but feels threatened, then it can act as if it were a belligerent.”

In such a case, Joja said, the decision about which warships can enter the Black Sea is entirely up to the Turkish government, according to the convention. (Merchant ships can pass through the straits freely, even during wartime, and satellite imagery suggests Russia is using them to move military hardware through the sea.)

This provision could allow Turkey to let warships from NATO navies into the Black Sea, and some experts have advocated that the alliance seek access to the sea to escort merchant vessels carrying Ukrainian grain, thus helping circumvent Russia’s blockade.

Ukraine Izmail Danube river grain cargo

A cargo ship passes a beach on the Danube River, which is being used for Ukrainian grain shipments, in Izmail in August.

Getty Images



While the convention may allow such an action, going through with it would be politically difficult for NATO and for Ankara.

“We have two unknowns here: whether the Turkish government is willing to let NATO maritime defense capabilities in and whether NATO allies have the political will to build a credible deterrence and defense in the Black Sea region,” Joja told Insider.

Turkey is a NATO member but maintains a good relationship with Russia. That has at times frustrated other NATO members, but Ankara used it to help broker the 2022 deal allowing Ukraine to ship grain through the Black Sea. (Russia withdrew from the deal in July and imposed its blockade.)

Allowing NATO warships into the Black Sea now would test Turkey’s relations with Russia, but, Joja said, it would also benefit the alliance, “contribute to security in the Black Sea region, and would indirectly even help Ukraine ship grain out of the Black Sea.”

Constantine Atlamazoglou works on transatlantic and European security. He holds a master’s degree in security studies and European affairs from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy. You can contact him on LinkedIn and follow him on Twitter.